___

“割下来的手就不再是人手”这句话体现了___

唯物辩证法认为发展的实质是___

区分新事物和旧事物的标志在于看它们___

质量互变规律揭示了___

质和事物的存在是___

在实际工作中，要注意掌握分寸，防止“过”或“不及”，其关键在于___

区分量变和质变的根本标志是看___

量变的复杂性是指___

量变中的阶段性部分质变表现了___

量变中的局部性部分质变是___

揭示事物发展的趋势和道路的规律是___

“肯定和否定相互渗透，在一定意义上，肯定就是否定。”这是一种___

事物的否定方面是指___

作为辩证的否定的“扬弃”是___

辩证的否定是事物发展的环节,因为辩证的否定___

否定之否定规律___

事物发展的周期性体现了___

直线论的错误在于只看到___

循环论的错误在于___

对立统一规律揭示了___

唯物辩证法的实质和核心是___

辩证法所说的矛盾是指___

矛盾的基本属性是___

依据是___

矛盾问题的精髓是___

题的方法都是___

“任何个别（无论怎样）都是一般”。这句话的正确含义是___

在唯物辩证法看来，水果同苹果、梨、香蕉、桔子等的关系是___

“是就是是，不是就是不是，除此之外都是鬼话。”这是一种___

真象和假象的区别在于___

有的哲学家说，在大风扬起的尘土中，每一粒尘土的运动状况都是纯粹必然的。这是种___

“或然率”是指___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author think of the 2015 report by the Census Bureau?___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author say about the Jones-Klenow method?___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What do Jones and Klenow think of the comparison between France and the U.S. in terms of real consumption per person?___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What is an advantage of the Jones-Klenow method?___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What can we infer from the passage about American people’s economic well-being?___

大学生的成才目标是___。

现代人才素质的灵魂是___。

44：对核实开户意愿的视频、音频等工作记录是否需要保存___

45：取消企业银行账户许可后，企业在银行申请开立存款账户，多久可以使用?___

46：6月15日，客户在取消企业银行账户许可前取得的基本存款账户开户许可证丢失了，如何处理?___

47：监管辅助系统上传单张图片必须___

48：首次个人结算账户长期不动睡眠户治理时间为___

49：定期个人结算账户长期不动睡眠户治理时间为___

50：因客户申请等原因“个人账户转睡眠户清单”中的账户，柜员可以通过___交易将其转为正常户，转为正常户后可办理挂失、转账、销户等业务。

51：核心系统以营业网点为单位生成“个人账户拟转睡眠户清单”和“个人睡眠户拟转营业外收入清单”。各支行、营业部可通过___查询清单明细。

52：下列___在个人睡眠户治理范围

53：因客户申请等原因“个人睡眠户转营业外收入清单”中的账户，柜员可以通过“【1119睡眠户款项支取】”交易将账户___支付给客户。

54：个人睡眠户转营业外收入后，查询营业外支出账户使用___查询。

55：个人睡眠户转营业外收入后，查询营业外支出账户业务代号为___

56：未成年人的法定监护人：首先应当由其___担任，如父母死亡或者无监护能力的，由其他有监护能力的人按顺序担任监护人。

57：对以开立账户形式新建立业务关系的客户，网点柜员应于业务关系建立后的___个工作日内，根据客户的基本信息中有关“国籍”、“行业”、“职业”等重要信息和其他资料信息，完成客户洗钱风险等级划分工作，并在反洗钱系统中选定该客户的风险等级标识。

58：营业网点柜员在对经分析认定为高风险等级的个人及单位客户，应在高风险客户的账户开立___个工作日内完整填写《高风险个人客户认定表》或《高风险单位客户认定表》经支行主管会计初审和支行行长复核后，交总行反洗钱牵头管理部门负责人批准。

59：当中低风险等级客户调整为高风险等级客户时，经主管会计及支行行长批准同意后,还需报本行___批准。

60：当高风险等级客户调整为中低风险等级客户时，经主管会计及支行行长批准同意后，应___批准。

61：有权机关直接到各支行进行查询、冻结、扣划时，有权机关查询、冻结、扣划完成后，支行于___日内向反洗钱牵头管理部门提交( )，经反洗钱牵头管理部门负责人批准后，在反洗钱系统内将该客户等级调为高风险。

62：当日单笔或者累计人民币交易___万元以上(含)、外币等值()万美元以上(含)的现金缴存、现金支取、现金结售汇、现钞兑换、现金汇款、现金票据解付及其他形式的现金收支，应当通过反洗钱系统提交大额交易报告。

63：自然人客户银行账户与其他的银行账户之间发生当日单笔或者累计交易人民币___万元以上(含)、外币等值()万美元以上(含)的境内款项划转，应当通过反洗钱系统提交大额交易报告。

64：本行各营业机构在以开立账户等方式与客户建立业务关系或客户为他人提供交易金额单笔人民币___万元以上或外币等值()美元以上的现金汇款(含无卡、无折存现业务)、现钞兑换、票据兑付等一次性金融服务时，应通过以联网核查为主的方式核对、登记客户身份证件或其他身份证明文件并留存复印件、登记客户联系方式。

65：客户先前提交的身份证件或身份证明文件已过有效期的，本行各开户机构应及时联系客户___内提供新的身份证明文件，留存复印件后专夹保管，并在综合前端系统进行身份证明文件资料更新。

66：张三为不在我行开立账户的客户李四提供现金汇款1万元，下列选项中不属于我行客户身份识别应当做的是___

67：非自然人客户银行账户与其他的银行账户发生当日单笔或者累计交易人民币___万元以上(含)、外币等值()万美元以上(含)的款项划转，应当通过反洗钱系统提交大额交易报告。

68：自然人客户银行账户与其他的银行账户之间发生当日单笔或者累计交易人民币___万元以上(含)、外币等值()万美元以上(含)的跨境款项划转，应当通过反洗钱系统提交大额交易报告。

69：各支行成立反洗钱工作实施小组，由支行行长任组长、主管会计任副组长、各网点负责人为小组成员。指定各支行___为各支行的反洗钱管理员，指定( )为各营业网点的反洗钱工作人员。

70：各营业机构反洗钱编辑岗和审核岗人员应每日登陆本行反洗钱系统，点击___模块下各子项内容后，点击主界面“查询”按钮，分别查看是否有积压数据未处理完毕。

71：当客户涉及刑事案件有关的查询、冻结、扣划业务时，由___在反洗钱系统中添加( )。

72：反洗钱系统中，当可疑案例被排除后，自动进入案例处理模块中的___子选项卡界面，方便再次出现可疑时直接编辑上报。

1：有关1090隔日账户冲补账交易，以下说法正确的有___

2： 关于错账可能存在的风险，下列说法正确的是___

3： 以下交易，可以使用8899撤销交易进行撤销的有___

4：以下交易码中，可以使用交易本身双向操作的有___

5：关于8899交易，下列说法正确的是___

6：账务撤销和冲正抹账，根据金额不同，需分级别审批,下列关于审批权限说法正确的有___

7：特殊情况下(如电信诈骗等)，为防范出现更大风险，保护客户资金安全，可以由客户发起8899撤销交易，撤销时需要提供的资料有___

8：对公客户来办理7127凭证解挂时，授权应提供资料有___

9：单位保证金存款账户按存期不同分为活期保证金存款账户和定期保证金存款账户，定期保证金存款的存期有以下___档次。

10：关于【0104个人客户开户信息维护】交易，以下维护事项说法正确的是___

11：有关支票上大写日期的填写，说法正确的是___