质和事物的存在是___

在实际工作中，要注意掌握分寸，防止“过”或“不及”，其关键在于___

区分量变和质变的根本标志是看___

量变的复杂性是指___

量变中的阶段性部分质变表现了___

量变中的局部性部分质变是___

揭示事物发展的趋势和道路的规律是___

“肯定和否定相互渗透，在一定意义上，肯定就是否定。”这是一种___

事物的否定方面是指___

作为辩证的否定的“扬弃”是___

辩证的否定是事物发展的环节,因为辩证的否定___

否定之否定规律___

事物发展的周期性体现了___

直线论的错误在于只看到___

循环论的错误在于___

对立统一规律揭示了___

唯物辩证法的实质和核心是___

辩证法所说的矛盾是指___

矛盾的基本属性是___

依据是___

矛盾问题的精髓是___

题的方法都是___

“任何个别（无论怎样）都是一般”。这句话的正确含义是___

在唯物辩证法看来，水果同苹果、梨、香蕉、桔子等的关系是___

“是就是是，不是就是不是，除此之外都是鬼话。”这是一种___

真象和假象的区别在于___

有的哲学家说，在大风扬起的尘土中，每一粒尘土的运动状况都是纯粹必然的。这是种___

“或然率”是指___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author think of the 2015 report by the Census Bureau?___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author say about the Jones-Klenow method?___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What do Jones and Klenow think of the comparison between France and the U.S. in terms of real consumption per person?___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What is an advantage of the Jones-Klenow method?___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What can we infer from the passage about American people’s economic well-being?___

大学生的成才目标是___。

现代人才素质的灵魂是___。

___是人才素质的基础.

世界政治格局发展的必然趋势是___。

在全面发展的教育中德、智、体、美是缺一不可，统一存在的，其中处于主导地位的是___。

时代精神的内涵十分丰富，其中___居于核心地位。

民族精神是一个民族赖以生存和发展的精神支撑。中华民族在五千年的发展中所形成的伟大民族精神的核心是___。

BXB63.项目经理作为项目团队的一位替代项目经理人选加入一个项目。在最初的会议中，项目经理发现关于如何解决技术决策存在不同的意见。团队成员不尊重彼此的意见，这种环境起到反效果。该团队处于团队建设的哪个阶段？___

BXB64.项目经理加入一个刚刚开始的项目，项目发起人和项目团队向新项目经理保证有足够的预算和符合实际的进度计划，项目经理担心可能威胁到项目成功的意外事件。项目经理应该怎么做？___

BXB65.项目经理加入一个己经在进行当中的项目。质量审计报告显示，由一个供应商提供的一些材料在材料检查员没有出具批准文件的情况下，获得付款批准。项目经理得知检查员口头表达了批准意见，然后再提供批准文件。哪一份计划可以帮助项目经理评估这种批准方式是否符合项目管理计划？___

BXB66.项目经理加入一个设计阶段接近完成的项目。虽然客户已经批准所有设计图纸，但项目经理发现包含在最终设计中的多项客户变更，这些变更尚未经过审核和批准。项目经理下一步应该怎么做？___

BXB67.—个项目的本效指数(CPI)为1.2 ,且关健路径上的一个可交付成果落后于进度。 如果项目经理将项目拉回正轨，项目会发生什么情况？___

BXB68.项目经理与项目团队开会收集需求。团队成员向项目经理询问相关方是否熟悉项目的假设条件，制约因素和可交付成果。哪一份文件将概述这些信息？___

BXB69.由于项目资源的专业水平不同，项目经理注意到进度计划绩效问题，一些经验丰富的资源会检查不必要的细节,而一些初级资源则需要很长时间才能完成任务。项目经理应该怎么做来增强团队缋效？___

BXB70.项目经理从第三方供应商处收到通知说，分配给客户所在地的现场资源在接下来的两周内将不可用。项目经理应该更新哪一份文件？___

BXB71.因为一些团队成员不合作，一个拥有多元化团队的项目经理需要处理冲突，项目经理应该怎么做？___

BXB72.项目发起人对项目进行审查并对一些项目风险提出质疑，项目发起人要求项目经理分析这些风险对项目总体目标的影响。项目经理应该执行下列哪一项？___

BXB73.某位项目相关方要求对已批准的产品设计进行变更，程序员仅需少量工作就可进行这项变更。但是存在一个风险，即另一位相关方将不同意这项变更。项目经理应该怎么做？___

BXB74.项目团队包括组织内各部门的职能经理，该项目落后于进度计划，因为职能经理将他们的日常责任优先于项目责任。项目经理应该使用下列哪一项来管理团队？___

BXB75.一位项目团队成员就不准确的关键验收标准向其他成员提出质疑，指出不准确性可能会降低关键可交付成果的质量。项目经理应该在哪份文件记录这个问题？___

BXB76.到目前为止本该完成百分之八十的一个项目只完成了百分之七十五，项目总预算为100,000美元，己完成工作实际成本(ACWP)为72,000美元。根据这些信息可以确定什么？___

BXB77.项目的混凝土供应商通知项目经理，材料将比预定时间晚三个星期交付。项目经理更新了进度计划并通知项目团队。在这种情况下，哪种合同类型承担的风险最小？___

BXB78.一位资源的职能经理请求关于一个延迟项目的机密信息。由于职能经理没有适当的授权级别,该资源需要项目经理的许可才能共享信息。项目经理应该怎么做？___

BXB79.一个风险在项目现场变成现实，这个风险记录在风险登记册中，调查团队得出结论，如果进行了适当的风险管理，本可以预防这个风险。若要避免这个问题，项目经理应该事先做什么？___

BXB80.一个专业的项目团队正在管理一个大型项目。上个月，工程顾问提交了最初的设计计划给客户审查，项目经理得知该设计因未能满足客户需求而被拒绝。若要确保更有利的结果，项目经理应该事先做什么？___

BXB81.项目合同规定了专业资源。在审查项目范围时，项目经理和承包商确定采购小组应选择工料合同(T&M),而不是固定总价(FFP)合同。项目经理应该怎么做？___

BXB82.一个相关方认为最近一个项目的可交付成果没有实现，若要获得该相关方的批准，项目经理应该怎么做？___

BXB83.一位相关方要求更频繁，更详细地更新项目状态。该相关方也表示有兴趣协助该项目。项目经理下一步该怎么做？___

BXB84.一名指导委员会成员提交了一项新请求，这项请求似乎没有得到充分考虑，可能会对项目产生负面影响。项目经理下一步应该怎么做？___

BXB85.团队利用最新技术完成了新产品的原型。在测试期间，产品不符合性能规格。项目经理应该怎么做？___

BXB86.一个国际项目的团队由来自不同的背景，年龄和兴趣的个人组成。项目一开始后就发现他们在齐心协力一起合作。项目经理如何才能促进更好的团队合作？___

BXB87.一位团队成员发现一项新法规可能影响一个异地项目的交付日期，项目经理下一步应该怎么做？___

BXB88.一位团队成员急于将客户正在考虑的新功能添加到项目可交付成果中。在开始为这些新功能工作之前，需要谁的批准？___

BXB89.团队成员不清楚项目经理的主要职责和职权级别，哪一份文件可以帮助团队成员了解这一点？___

BXB90.项目经理加入一个新项目，该项目的项目章程和项目管理计划已获批准。若要开始项目，项目经理下一步应该做什么？___

BXB91.在项目管理计划获得批准后，项目经理得知该项目的工作环境存在潜在问题。项目经理应该审查哪份文件？___

BXB92.尽管未获得事先同意，一位项目团队成员假设客户将会批准，开发了一个功能。项目经理应该怎么做？___

BXB93.一家农业设备制造商因一个缺陷部件而召回数千个产品。这个问题导致许多客户不满，公司花费500万美元来修理和更换零件。哪一种成本预算类型可以防止这个问题？___

BXB94.一个制造工厂施工项目现场发生地震。这影响到整个项目预算。项目经理应该考虑什么类型的储备分析？___

BXB95.一个工厂扩建项目已接近完成50%,这时一群当地居民组成一个维权组织来抗议该项目。项目经理应该怎么做？___

BXB96.一家组织执行了电子邮件迁移项目，虽然电子邮件迁移成功，但用户地址簿信息的迁移却不正确，这会影响到该组织的内部沟通，项目经理应该怎么做?___

BXB97.一家组织启动一个项目来实施一个新的企业资源规划(ERP)系统，一个第三方就该系统的某个具体模块对ERP供应商提了侵权索赔。如果该第三方的侵权索赔成功，项目经理应该怎么做？___

BXB98.一个关键项目资源的职能经理通知项目经理，该资源对项目的方向和进度表示严重关 切。这个信息让经理感到意外，因为在最近的任何团队会议都没有表达存在这个问题。项目经理应该怎么做? ___

BXB99.一家组织希望开展一个网络开发项目。在与相关方讨论之后，销售团队决定在不同渠道投资，将会产生更多收入。这是使用什么工具或技术来做出这个决定？___

BXB100.一个釆用固定总价(FFP)合同的项目己经到达其最终里程碑，项目经理对最终产品充满信心，并向客户背书该产品，一周后，项目发起人通知项目经理，客户正在针对其所认可的产品向他们公司提起诉讼。 项目经理应该事先做什么来避免这种情况？___

BXB101.由于不可预见的社区反对意见，一个项目暂时停止，由于在项目规划阶段没有将其识别为一项风险，因此未将其纳入风险登记册。项目经理应该怎么做? ___

BXB102.项目收尾时，项目经理审查上一个阶段收尾信息，以验证所有项目工作是否完成。项目经理应该做什么？___