【单选题】
处理下列哪种故障时,需要闭合ACK2?( )___
A. 主变压器一次侧过电流故障
B. 主变压器三次侧过电流故障
C. 主变压器三次侧接地故障
D. 牵引变流器故障
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答案
A
解析
暂无解析
相关试题
【单选题】
下列哪种故障在进行动车组重联操作时发生?( )___
A. 距离传感器2传输不良故障
B. 自动广播装置传输不良故障
C. 编组间传输不良故障
D. 监控器传输不良终端故障
【单选题】
扩展供电断路器在哪些车的驾驶配电盘内?( )___
A. 2、4号车
B. 2、6号车
C. 4、6号车
D. 4、8号车
【单选题】
空调装置的主电路电源为:( )___
A. 单相交流、50Hz、400 +24-37% V
B. 三相交流、50Hz、400 +24-37% V
【单选题】
CRH2A统型动车组的压缩机一旦停机后,几秒钟内禁止再启动:( )___
A. 2s
B. 3s
C. 5s
D. 7s
【单选题】
CRH2牵引变流器用IGBT或IPM的额定电压电流为:( )___
A. 3300V、1200A
B. 3000V、1500A
C. 3500V、1000A
【单选题】
牵引变压器原边绕组额定电流值为:( )___
A. 122A
B. 857A
C. 1225A
【单选题】
CRH2A统型动车组车体最大宽度( ),车体最大高度( ).___
A. 3380mm、3700mm
B. 3142mm、3700mm
C. 3380mm、3650mm
D. 3142mm、3650mm
【单选题】
电源从牵引变压器MTr3次线圈直接出来的电源是( )。___
A. 单相AC400、50HZ
B. 三相AC400、50HZ
C. 单相AC100、50HZ
D. 单相DC100、50HZ
【单选题】
动车轮盘制动圆盘外径为( )的圆盘, 拖车轴盘制动圆盘外径为( )的圆盘。___
A. 725mm、670mm
B. 725mm、725mm
C. 750mm、725mm
D. 670 mm、670 mm
【单选题】
CRH2A统型动车组每台牵引电机的额定功率是( )。___
A. 260kw
B. 300kw
C. 350kw
D. 400kw
【单选题】
蓄电池单体的使用温度范围是( )之间无异常。___
A. -15℃~+45℃
B. -25℃~+45℃
C. -15℃~+55℃
D. -5℃~+45℃
【单选题】
污物箱底部设有电加热装置启停温度( )。___
A. 10℃-30℃
B. 2℃-10℃
C. 4℃-20℃
D. 8℃-25℃
【单选题】
二级检修作业检查绝缘测量主回路501C到大地间应≥( )。(使用500V兆欧表);___
A. 0.1MΩ
B. 0.2MΩ
C. 0.3MΩ
D. 0.4MΩ
【单选题】
二级检修作业检查接地装置碳刷长度在( )以上;编导线的芯线缺损量在( )以下。 ___
A. 25mm、15%
B. 35mm、10%
C. 35mm、15%
D. 25mm、10%
【单选题】
三电平方式逆变器与两电平方式逆变器比较,优点是( )。___
A. 控制简单
B. 直流环节电压高、谐波少
C. 成本低
【单选题】
脉冲整流器较相控整流器的优点是( )。___
A. 功率因素高
B. 可以实现整流和有源逆变
C. 谐波含量大
【单选题】
CRH2A统型动车组司机室侧门采用充气密封式折页门,门板强度能够承受的均布载荷为( )。___
A. 2kpa
B. 4kpa
C. 6kpa
D. 8kpa
【单选题】
以下对通风系统作用表述不准确的是( )___
A. 提供新鲜空气
B. 对空气温度和湿度有较强的调节功能
C. 维持车厢内压力
D. 保证车内空气清洁
【单选题】
以下设备不属于通风系统的是?( )___
A. 风道
B. 压缩机
C. 空气净化设备
D. 压力波控制装置
【单选题】
CRH2A统型动车组主电路中脉冲整流及逆变器都采用( )___
A. 二电平方式
B. 三电平方式
C. 非脉冲式逆变器
D. 脉冲式逆变器
【单选题】
CRH2A统型动车组转向架基础制动方式是( )___
A. 空气制动
B. 空液转换液压制动
C. 抱闸制动
D. 以上都不对
【单选题】
( )是二系悬挂中的关键部件,是影响车辆运行平稳性的关键因素。___
A. 空气弹簧
B. 抗侧滚扭杆
C. 差压阀
D. 高度调整阀
【单选题】
连续式列控系统、点式列控系统及点-连式列控系统的主要区别在于( )。___
A. 车地信息传输方式不同
B. 速度控制模式不同
C. 闭塞方式不同
D. 自动化程度不同
【单选题】
CTCS根据系统配置按功能划分为( )个等级。___
A. 3
B. 4
C. 5
D. 6
【单选题】
CRH2A动车组牵引控制为( )控制方式。___
A. VVVF
B. VVFF
C. VFFF
D. FFVV
【单选题】
CRH2A统型动车组制动系统分为( )。___
A. 制动控制和制动执行系统
B. 制动控制和制动操作系统
C. 制动执行系统和基础制动装置
D. 电气制动和控制管路系统
【单选题】
动车组辅助空压机手动启动正确方式为( )。___
A. 用铁棒按下辅助空压机接触器触点
B. 用绝缘工装按下辅助空压机接触器触点
C. 用手按下辅助空压机接触器触点
D. 用对讲机天线按下辅助空压机接触器触点
【单选题】
CRH2A统型动车组一等座椅间距( )mm。___
A. 600
B. 980
C. 1060
D. 1160
【单选题】
液压传动系统由动力部分、执行部分、控制部分和( )组成。___
A. 辅助部分
B. 液压泵
C. 液压缸
D. 单向阀
【单选题】
列车头罩处检测距离用的红外线反射板处于( )。___
A. 仅1号车
B. 仅 8号车
C. 1号车和8号车
D. 1号车或8号车
【单选题】
CRH2A统型动车组防滑控制时,不需要处理的是( )。___
A. 车轴速度检测
B. 电机转差率检测
C. 速度差计算
D. 滑行率计算
【单选题】
车辆信息控制装置内置( )年的日历。___
A. 30
B. 40
C. 80
D. 60
【单选题】
某正弦电路电压为u=220sin(100t+150),其中100表示( )。___
A. 振幅
B. 角频率
C. 相位
D. 初相
【单选题】
车辆信息控制装置光节点间传送速度( )。___
A. 2.5 Mbps
B. 3.0 Mbps
C. 25 Mbps
D. 30 Mbps
【单选题】
正弦量的三要素包含振幅、角频率和( )。___
A. 初相
B. 相位
C. 相位差
D. 频率
【单选题】
下列不属于三相异步电动机制动方式的为( )。___
A. 能耗制动
B. 反接制动
C. 发电反馈制动
D. 涡流制动
【单选题】
CRH2A动车组主空压机润滑油更换基准:( )①粘度:新油的±15% ②总酸值:0.5mgKOH/g ③水分:0.5容积% ④不溶解量(树脂量):0.1重量%___
A. ①②③
B. ①②③④
C. ②④
D. ①③④
【单选题】
CRH2A动车组主空压机润滑油更换后观察油位时,启动主空气压缩机停止( )分钟后,油位在MIN~MAX之间。___
A. 2
B. 5
C. 8
D. 10
【单选题】
CRH2A动车组进行自动过分相装置检测划磁铁试验中强迫状态试验时:打开信号处理器电源,在1号车司机室插入主控钥匙,制动手柄置“快速”位,方向手柄置“前”位,输入‘Ⅰ端向前’信号,用试验磁铁快速、一次性划过的感应接收器为( )。___
A. T1和T2
B. T1和T3
C. T2和T4
D. T3和T
【单选题】
CRH2A(统型)动车组烟火报警系统探测器污染状态检查时当探测器阀值超过( )%时,表明探头污染,更换此探测器过滤棉并清洗探测器。___
A. 100
B. 110
C. 120
D. 130
推荐试题
【单选题】
否定之否定规律___
A. 在事物完成一个发展周期时才能完整地表现出来
B. 在事物发展过程中任何一点上都可以表现出来
C. 在事物经过量变和质变两种状态后表现出来
D. 在事物发展过程中经过肯定和否定两个阶段表现出来
【单选题】
事物发展的周期性体现了___
A. 事物发展的直线性与曲折性的统一
B. 事物发展是一个不断地回到出发点的运动
C. 事物发展的周而复始的循环性
D. 事物发展的前进性和曲折性的统一
【单选题】
直线论的错误在于只看到___
A. 事物发展的周期性而否认了前进性
B. 事物发展的前进性而否认了曲折性
C. 事物发展的间接性而否认了连续性
D. 事物发展的曲折性而否认了周期性
【单选题】
循环论的错误在于___
A. 只看到事物发展的普遍性,没有看到事物发展过程的特殊性
B. 只看到事物的绝对运动,没有看到事物的相对静止
C. 只看到事物发展道路的曲折性,没有看到事物发展趋势的前进性
D. 只看到新旧事物之间的连续性,没有看到新旧事物之间的间断性
【单选题】
对立统一规律揭示了___
A. 事物发展的动力和源泉
B. 事物发展的状态和过程
C. 事物发展的方向和道路
D. 事物发展的两种趋向
【单选题】
唯物辩证法的实质和核心是___
A. 对立统一规律
B. 质量互变规律
C. 否定之否定规律
D. 联系和发展的规律
【单选题】
辩证法所说的矛盾是指___
A. 人们思维中的前后不一的自相矛盾
B. 事物之间或事物内部各要素之间的对立统一
C. 对立面之间的相互排斥
D. 事物之间或事物内部各要素之间的相互依赖
【单选题】
矛盾的基本属性是___
A. 普遍性和特殊性
B. 绝对性和相对性
C. 变动性和稳定性
D. 斗争性和同一性
【单选题】
依据是___
A. 矛盾的同一性和斗争性辩证关系的原理
B. 矛盾的普遍性和特殊性辩证关系的原理
C. 事物发展的量变和质变辩证关系的原理
D. 事物发展的内因和外因辩证关系的原理
【单选题】
矛盾问题的精髓是___
A. 矛盾的普遍性和特殊性关系的问题
B. 矛盾的同一性和斗争性关系的问题
C. 主要矛盾和次要矛盾关系的问题
D. 矛盾的主要方面和次要方面关系的问题
【单选题】
题的方法都是___
A. 重点论
B. 均衡论
C. 一点论
D. 两点论
【单选题】
“任何个别(无论怎样)都是一般”。这句话的正确含义是___
A. 特殊性就是普遍性
B. 特殊性存在于普遍性之中
C. 普遍性是特殊性的总和
D. 特殊性中包含普遍性
【单选题】
在唯物辩证法看来,水果同苹果、梨、香蕉、桔子等的关系是___
A. 共性和个性的关系
B. 整体和部分的关系
C. 本质和现象的关系
D. 内容和形式的关系
【单选题】
“是就是是,不是就是不是,除此之外都是鬼话。”这是一种___
A. 形而上学的观点
B. 相对主义的观点
C. 唯心主义的观点
D. 辩证法的观点
【单选题】
真象和假象的区别在于___
A. 真象是客观的,假象是主观的
B. 真象表现本质,假象不表现本质
C. 真象深藏于事物内部,假象外露于事物外部
D. 真象从正面直接地表现本质,假象从反面歪曲地表现本质
【单选题】
有的哲学家说,在大风扬起的尘土中,每一粒尘土的运动状况都是纯粹必然的。这是种___
A. 辩证唯物主义决定论的观点
B. 形而上学的机械决定论的观点
C. 唯心主义非决定论的观点
D. 庸俗唯物主义的观点
【单选题】
“或然率”是指___
A. 可能性在质上的一种科学说明和测定
B. 可能性在量上的一种科学说明和测定
C. 必然性的一种科学说明和判定
D. 偶然性的一种科学说明和测定
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author think of the 2015 report by the Census Bureau?___
A. It is based on questionable statistics.
B. It reflects the economic changes.
C. It evidences the improved welfare.
D. It provides much food for thought.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author say about the Jones-Klenow method?___
A. It is widely used to compare the economic growth across countries.
B. It revolutionizes the way of measuring ordinary people’s livelihood.
C. It focuses on people’s consumption rather that their average income.
D. It is a more comprehensive measure of people’s economic well-being.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What do Jones and Klenow think of the comparison between France and the U.S. in terms of real consumption per person?___
A. It reflected the existing big gap between the two economies.
B. It neglected many important indicators of people’s welfare.
C. It covered up the differences between individual citizens.
D. It failed to count in their difference in natural resources.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What is an advantage of the Jones-Klenow method?___
A. It can accurately pinpoint a country’s current economic problems.
B. It can help to raise people’s awareness of their economic well-being.
C. It can diagnose the causes of a country’s slowing pace of economic improvement.
D. It can compare a country’s economic conditions between different periods of time.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What can we infer from the passage about American people’s economic well-being?___
A. It is much better than that of their European counterparts.
B. It has been on the decline ever since the turn of the century.
C. It has not improved as much as reported by the Census Bureau.
D. It has not been accurately assessed and reported since mid-2000s.
【单选题】
大学生的成才目标是___。
A. 培养德智体美全面发展的人才
B. 培养德智体美全面发展的社会主义建设者
C. 培养德智体美全面发展的社会主义建设者和接班人
D. 培养专业化、创新化的人才
【单选题】
现代人才素质的灵魂是___。
A. 德
B. 智
C. 体
D. 美
【单选题】
___是人才素质的基础.
A. 德
B. 智
C. 体
D. 美
【单选题】
世界政治格局发展的必然趋势是___。
A. “多极化”
B. 单边主义
C. 两极格局形成
D. 一超独霸
【单选题】
在全面发展的教育中德、智、体、美是缺一不可,统一存在的,其中处于主导地位的是___。
A. 德育
B. 智育
C. 体育
D. 美育
【单选题】
时代精神的内涵十分丰富,其中___居于核心地位。
A. 艰苦奋斗
B. 自强不息
C. 团结统一
D. 改革创新
【单选题】
民族精神是一个民族赖以生存和发展的精神支撑。中华民族在五千年的发展中所形成的伟大民族精神的核心是___。
A. 爱国主义
B. 人道主义
C. 科学主义
D. 革命英雄主义
【单选题】
下列名言反映中华民族是一个艰苦奋斗的民族的有___。
A. 艰难困苦,玉汝于成
B. 先天下之忧而忧
C. 生于忧患,死于安乐
D. 民无信不立
【单选题】
___是人才素质的基本内容
A. 德
B. 智
C. 体
D. 美
【单选题】
10。___是我们立党立国的根本指导思想
A. 马克思主义
B. 社会主义荣辱观
C. 社会主义思想道德
D. 爱国主义11. 当代大学生的历史使命是(A)
【单选题】
衡量大学生全面发展的一个重要标准是___
A. 知识渊博
B. 品质高尚
C. 德才兼备
D. 知行统一
【单选题】
独立生活意识指___
A. 自己的事情自己处理不需要别人管
B. 自己想干什么就干什么
C. 树立自信、自律、自立、自强的精神
D. 天马行空独来独往
【单选题】
___作为社会主义核心价值体系的精髓,解决的是应当具备什么样的精神状态和精神风貌的问题。
A. 马克思主义的指导地位
B. 中国特色社会主义的共同理想
C. 民族精神和时代精神
D. 社会主义荣辱观
【单选题】
___是人才素质的综合体现.
A. 德
B. 智
C. 体
D. 美
【单选题】
人们对生活在其中的世界及人与世界的关系的总的看法和根本观点就是___
A. 世界观
B. 人生观
C. 价值观
D. 历史观
【单选题】
人生观的核心是___
A. 人生意义
B. 人生目的
C. 人生态度
D. 人生价值
【单选题】
人的本质属性是___
A. 自然属性
B. 自私自利
C. 社会属性
D. 趋利避害
【单选题】
社会主义社会人生价值标准是___
A. 是否拥有金钱财富
B. 自我价值实现的程度
C. 宗教信仰是否虔诚
D. 是否为人民群众尽心尽力服务