【单选题】
被誉而“中国近代睁眼看世界第一人”的是( )。
A. 林则徐
B. 魏源
C. 李鸿章
D. 康有为
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答案
A
解析
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相关试题
【单选题】
“师夷长技以制夷”这一思想出自( )
A. 《四洲志》
B. 《海国图志》
C. 《资政新篇》
D. 《盛世危言》
【单选题】
近代以来中国反侵略战争失败的最根本原因是( )。
A. 帝国主义的强大
B. 社会制度的腐败
C. 经济技术的落后
D. 中国军队军事素质低下
【单选题】
中国人开始有了普遍的民族意识的觉醒是在( )以后。
A. 鸦片战争
B. 第二次鸦片战争
C. 中日甲午战争
D. 八国联军侵华战争
【单选题】
1895年,响亮喊出“救亡”口号是( )。
A. 康有为
B. 梁启超
C. 严复
D. 孙中山
【单选题】
( )翻译的《天演论》中的社会进化论思想,为中国人民的危机意识和民族意识提供了理论根据。
A. 康有为
B. 梁启超
C. 严复
D. 孙中山
【单选题】
振兴中华的口号的提出者是( )。
A. 孙中山
B. 周恩来
C. 鲁迅
D. 梁启超
【单选题】
太平天国农民战争的领导人是( )
A. 林则徐
B. 洪秀全
C. 李鸿章
D. 康有为
【单选题】
太平天国农民起义赖以发动的宗教组织是( )
A. 白莲教
B. 基督教
C. 拜上帝教
D. 天地会
【单选题】
太平天国农民战争历时( )
A. 10年
B. 14年
C. 18年
D. 、20年
【单选题】
最能体现太平天国社会理想和农民起义特色的文件是( )
A. 《海国图志》
B. 《天朝田亩制度》
C. 《资政新篇》
D. 《救亡决论》
【单选题】
太平天国运动面临的以往农民运动从未遭遇的新情况是( ):
A. 领导阶层的迅速腐化
B. 流动作战没有固定根据地
C. 中外反动势力的联合绞杀
D. 没有正确的指导思想33
【单选题】
中国历史上第一个比较系统的发展资本主义的方案是( )
A. 《海国图志》
B. 《天朝田亩制度》
C. 《资政新篇》
D. 《救亡决论》
【单选题】
洋务运动发端于( )
A. 19世纪50年代
B. 19世纪60年代
C. 19世纪70年代
D. 19世纪80年代
【单选题】
洋务派代表的社会阶层是( )
A. 地主阶级
B. 官僚资产阶级
C. 民族资产阶级
D. 农民阶级
【单选题】
洋务运动的指导思想是( )
A. 师夷长技以制夷
B. 中学为体,西学为用
C. 外敦和好,内要自强
D. 托古改制
【单选题】
洋务派最先兴办的是( )
A. 民用工业
B. 军事工业
C. 新式学堂
D. 新式军队
【单选题】
洋务派创办的最大的兵工厂是( )
A. 上海江南制造总局
B. 金陵机器局
C. 福州船政局
D. 湖北枪炮厂
【单选题】
洋务派创办的民用企业大多数采用( )
A. 官办
B. 商办
C. 官督商办
D. 官商合办
【单选题】
戊戌维新运动是一次( )
A. 资产阶级改良运动
B. 地主阶级改良运动
C. 资产阶级革命运动
D. 地主阶级革命运动
【单选题】
戊戌维新运动的核心领导人是( )
A. 康有为
B. 梁启超
C. 谭嗣同
D. 严复
【单选题】
1895年,康有为组织发动了( )
A. 金田起义
B. 公车上书
C. 百日维新
D. 广州起义
【单选题】
戊戌维新运动的高潮是( )
A. 金田起义
B. 公车上书
C. 百日维新
D. 广州起义
【单选题】
百日维新发生于( )时期
A. 洋务运动
B. 戊戌变法
C. 辛亥革命
D. 新文化运动
【单选题】
戊戌变法中,表示要为变法为流血牺牲的是( )
A. 康有为
B. 梁启超
C. 谭嗣同
D. 刘光第
【单选题】
戊戌变法期间,资产阶级维新派把实现变法的希望寄托在( )身上。
A. 李鸿章
B. 光绪皇帝
C. 慈禧太后
D. 袁世凯
【单选题】
“以中国之伦常名教为原本,辅以诸国富强之术”属于( )的主张
A. 维新派
B. 洋务派
C. 革命派
D. 立宪派
【单选题】
戊戌维新前维新派与守旧派的这场论战,实质上是( )
A. 资产阶级思想与封建主义思想在中国的第一次正面交锋
B. 守旧派与洋务派之间的一次论战
C. 保皇派与革命派的一次论战
D. 帝党与后党的权力之争
【单选题】
中国民族资产阶级登上政治舞台的第一次表演是在( )
A. 洋务运动
B. 戊戌维新
C. 辛亥革命
D. 五四运动
【单选题】
清政府正式废除科举考试是在( )年。
A. 1898
B. 1900
C. 1906
D. 1908年
【单选题】
1894年,孙中山给( )上书,希望进行自上而下的改革。
A. 光绪皇帝
B. 李鸿章
C. 康有为
D. 袁世凯
【单选题】
1894年,孙中山在檀香山建立的革命团体是是( )
A. 兴中会
B. 光复会
C. 华兴会
D. 岳王会
【单选题】
1903年,章炳麟发表了( ),歌颂革命为“启迪民智,除旧布新”的良药
A. 《驳康有为论革命书》
B. 《革命军》
C. 《警世钟》
D. 《猛回头》
【单选题】
1905年,孙中山、黄兴、宋教仁等人在东京成立( )
A. 兴中会
B. 光复会
C. 同盟会
D. 国民党
【单选题】
同盟会的政治纲领是( )
A. “人能尽其才,地能尽其利,物能尽其用,货能尽其才”
B. “驱除鞑虏,恢复中华,创立合众政府
C. “驱除鞑虏,恢复中华,创立民国、平均地权”
D. “打倒军阀,推翻国际帝国主义的压迫,统一中国为真正民主共和国”
【单选题】
《革命军》的作者是( )
A. 邹容
B. 陈独秀
C. 陈天华
D. 章炳麟
【单选题】
中国同盟会的成立标志着中国资产阶级民主革命进入了一个新阶段。这里的“新阶段”主要是指( )。
A. 革命派开始积极发动武装起义
B. 三民主义成了革命的指导思想
C. 革命派和改良派分道扬镳
D. 革命有了统一的领导和纲领
【单选题】
同盟会的机关报是( )
A. 《国闻报》
B. 《时务报》
C. 《民报》
D. 《新民丛报》
【单选题】
在辛亥革命时期,孙中山的“平均地权”的含义是( )
A. 没收地主土地归国家所有
B. 土地增值归国家所有
C. 把土地平分给农民
D. 耕者有其田
【单选题】
孙中山的“民生主义”对应的是( )
A. 民族革命
B. 政治革命
C. 社会革命
D. 文化革命
【单选题】
1905年至1907年,革命派与改良派展开了一场激烈论战。革命派的主要舆论阵地是( )。
A. 《国闻报》
B. 《时务报》
C. 《民报》
D. 《新民丛报》
推荐试题
【单选题】
“或然率”是指___
A. 可能性在质上的一种科学说明和测定
B. 可能性在量上的一种科学说明和测定
C. 必然性的一种科学说明和判定
D. 偶然性的一种科学说明和测定
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author think of the 2015 report by the Census Bureau?___
A. It is based on questionable statistics.
B. It reflects the economic changes.
C. It evidences the improved welfare.
D. It provides much food for thought.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author say about the Jones-Klenow method?___
A. It is widely used to compare the economic growth across countries.
B. It revolutionizes the way of measuring ordinary people’s livelihood.
C. It focuses on people’s consumption rather that their average income.
D. It is a more comprehensive measure of people’s economic well-being.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What do Jones and Klenow think of the comparison between France and the U.S. in terms of real consumption per person?___
A. It reflected the existing big gap between the two economies.
B. It neglected many important indicators of people’s welfare.
C. It covered up the differences between individual citizens.
D. It failed to count in their difference in natural resources.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What is an advantage of the Jones-Klenow method?___
A. It can accurately pinpoint a country’s current economic problems.
B. It can help to raise people’s awareness of their economic well-being.
C. It can diagnose the causes of a country’s slowing pace of economic improvement.
D. It can compare a country’s economic conditions between different periods of time.
【单选题】
Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What can we infer from the passage about American people’s economic well-being?___
A. It is much better than that of their European counterparts.
B. It has been on the decline ever since the turn of the century.
C. It has not improved as much as reported by the Census Bureau.
D. It has not been accurately assessed and reported since mid-2000s.
【单选题】
大学生的成才目标是___。
A. 培养德智体美全面发展的人才
B. 培养德智体美全面发展的社会主义建设者
C. 培养德智体美全面发展的社会主义建设者和接班人
D. 培养专业化、创新化的人才
【单选题】
现代人才素质的灵魂是___。
A. 德
B. 智
C. 体
D. 美
【单选题】
___是人才素质的基础.
A. 德
B. 智
C. 体
D. 美
【单选题】
世界政治格局发展的必然趋势是___。
A. “多极化”
B. 单边主义
C. 两极格局形成
D. 一超独霸
【单选题】
在全面发展的教育中德、智、体、美是缺一不可,统一存在的,其中处于主导地位的是___。
A. 德育
B. 智育
C. 体育
D. 美育
【单选题】
时代精神的内涵十分丰富,其中___居于核心地位。
A. 艰苦奋斗
B. 自强不息
C. 团结统一
D. 改革创新
【单选题】
民族精神是一个民族赖以生存和发展的精神支撑。中华民族在五千年的发展中所形成的伟大民族精神的核心是___。
A. 爱国主义
B. 人道主义
C. 科学主义
D. 革命英雄主义
【单选题】
下列名言反映中华民族是一个艰苦奋斗的民族的有___。
A. 艰难困苦,玉汝于成
B. 先天下之忧而忧
C. 生于忧患,死于安乐
D. 民无信不立
【单选题】
___是人才素质的基本内容
A. 德
B. 智
C. 体
D. 美
【单选题】
10。___是我们立党立国的根本指导思想
A. 马克思主义
B. 社会主义荣辱观
C. 社会主义思想道德
D. 爱国主义11. 当代大学生的历史使命是(A)
【单选题】
衡量大学生全面发展的一个重要标准是___
A. 知识渊博
B. 品质高尚
C. 德才兼备
D. 知行统一
【单选题】
独立生活意识指___
A. 自己的事情自己处理不需要别人管
B. 自己想干什么就干什么
C. 树立自信、自律、自立、自强的精神
D. 天马行空独来独往
【单选题】
___作为社会主义核心价值体系的精髓,解决的是应当具备什么样的精神状态和精神风貌的问题。
A. 马克思主义的指导地位
B. 中国特色社会主义的共同理想
C. 民族精神和时代精神
D. 社会主义荣辱观
【单选题】
___是人才素质的综合体现.
A. 德
B. 智
C. 体
D. 美
【单选题】
人们对生活在其中的世界及人与世界的关系的总的看法和根本观点就是___
A. 世界观
B. 人生观
C. 价值观
D. 历史观
【单选题】
人生观的核心是___
A. 人生意义
B. 人生目的
C. 人生态度
D. 人生价值
【单选题】
人的本质属性是___
A. 自然属性
B. 自私自利
C. 社会属性
D. 趋利避害
【单选题】
社会主义社会人生价值标准是___
A. 是否拥有金钱财富
B. 自我价值实现的程度
C. 宗教信仰是否虔诚
D. 是否为人民群众尽心尽力服务
【单选题】
回答人为什么活着___
A. 人生态度
B. 人生目的
C. 人生价值
D. 人生意义
【单选题】
表明人应当怎样对待生活___
A. 人生态度
B. 人生目的
C. 人生价值
D. 人生意义
【单选题】
判别什么样的人生才有意义___
A. 人生态度
B. 人生目的
C. 人生价值
D. 价值取向
【单选题】
下列人生态度中正确的是___
A. 认真务实
B. 看破红尘
C. 悲观消沉
D. 满足于现状
【单选题】
下列属于正确的人生目的的是___
A. 追求享乐
B. 为人民服务
C. 追求金钱
D. 追求个人利益
【单选题】
___认为,金钱可以主宰一切.
A. 享乐主义人生观
B. 拜金主义人生观
C. 功利主义人生观
D. 个人主义人生观
【单选题】
___ 认为,社会和他人是达到个人目的的手段。
A. 享乐主义人生观
B. 拜金主义人生观
C. 功利主义人生观
D. 个人主义人生观
【单选题】
___认为,人生的全部内容就在于满足感官的需求与快乐。
A. 享乐主义人生观
B. 拜金主义人生观
C. 功利主义人生观
D. 个人主义人生观
【单选题】
马克思对于人的本质的论断确立与___
A. 《关于费尔巴哈的提纲》
B. 《共产党宣言》
C. 《劳动在才从猿到人转变过程中的作用》D《论黑格尔哲学》
【单选题】
人与自然关系的实质是___
A. 人与人的关系,是社会关系
B. 人对于自然的利用和占有
C. 自然必须服务于人类社会的发展
D. 人与物的占有与被占有的关系
【单选题】
在社会交往和公共生活中公民应该遵守的道德准则是___
A. 职业道德
B. 道德
C. 社会公德
D. 家庭美德
【单选题】
社会公德最基本的要求是___
A. 文明礼貌
B. 遵纪守法
C. 保护环境
D. 助人为乐
【单选题】
通过其规定和实施,影响人们思想,培养和提高人们法律意识,引导人们依法行为的作用是法律的___
A. 指引作用
B. 预测作用
C. 评价作用
D. 教育作用
【单选题】
有序的公共生活是构建和谐社会的___
A. 重要条件
B. 重要作用
C. 重要标志
D. 重要原则
【单选题】
一行人在过路口时迎面遇到红灯,看到近处没有车辆便径直通过。他这样做是___
A. 节省时间之举
B. 聪明灵活之举
C. 可供学习之举
D. 不遵守交通规则,违反社会公德之举
【单选题】
任何一个社会成员,无论具有何种身份、职业和地位,都必须在公共生活中遵守社会公德。这体现了社会公德具有的___特点。
A. 继承性
B. 基础性
C. 广泛性
D. 简明性