6:某商业银行上半年累计实现税后利润18亿元，年初总资产余额为3800亿元，6月末总资产余额为5300亿元，则报告期资产利润率为___

8:2017年初，A农商银行贷款正常类贷款500亿元，当年发放正常类贷款100亿元。年初的500亿元正常类贷款中，期末收回80亿元，仍维持正常类360亿元，转为关注类、次级类、可疑类、损失类各10亿元，有20亿元期间转为不良贷款后，重组收回抵债资产，经拍卖收回现金15亿元，核销5亿元。进行调整后的正常类贷款迁徙率为___

报警系统的设防、撤防、报警及视频监控图像、声音复核等信息的存储时间应不小于___天，出入口控制信息存储时间应不小于天。

银行营业场所现金业务区以外展示的贵金属样品应为___，并明确标注。

银行营业场所外围有围墙的，高度应不小于___，并应设置防止爬越的障碍物或周界报警装置。

柜体采用钢筋混凝土结构的，柜体厚度应不小于___，高度应不小于( )。

诱明防护板的防弹性能应达到GA165-1997中F79型___的要求；防砸性能应达到GA844-2009中( )的要求。

单块透明防护板宽度应不大于___，高度应不小于( )，单块面积应不大于( )。

防尾随联动互锁安全门两道门之间的纵深度应不小于___。

紧急报警装置应设置不少于___的独立防区，每路防区上串联的紧急报警按钮不得多于( )。

报警系统应采取___以上向外报警的传输方式。

银行营业场所与外界相通的出入口应安装摄像机，系统应能实时监控、记录出入营业场所人员情况和营业场所出入口___监控范围内情况，回放图像应能清晰显示往来人员的面部特征、车辆号牌等。同时，应能实时监控、记录银行营业场所出入口( )监控范围内情况，回放图像应能清晰显示往来人员体貌特征、车辆颜色、车型等。

在行式自助银行与其他客户活动区相通的出入口应安装___。

在行式自助银行、自助设备加钞间的出入口应设置___，门体强度应不低于GB17565-2007规定的( )，防盗锁应符合GAfT73-2015中( )的要求。

银行营业场所与外界相的出入口应安装防盗安全门，门体强度应不低于GB17565-2007规定的___，防盗锁应符合GB/T73-2015中( )的要求。

4：对以开立账户形式新建立业务关系的客户，网点柜员应于业务关系建立后的___个工作日内，根据客户的基本信息中有关“国籍”、“行业”、“职业”等重要信息和其他资料信息，完成客户洗钱风险等级划分工作，并在反洗钱系统中选定该客户的风险等级标识。

5：营业网点柜员在对经分析认定为高风险等级的个人及单位客户，应在高风险客户的账户开立___个工作日内完整填写《高风险个人客户认定表》或《高风险单位客户认定表》经支行主管会计初审和支行行长复核后，交总行反洗钱牵头管理部门负责人批准。

12：大额交易报告是指：凡交易金额在规定金额以上的交易，不论是否异常，都要由营业网点于交易发生后___个工作日内在反洗钱系统中上报。

13：当日单笔或者累计人民币交易___万元以上(含)、外币等值()万美元以上(含)的现金缴存、现金支取、现金结售汇、现钞兑换、现金汇款、现金票据解付及其他形式的现金收支，应当通过反洗钱系统提交大额交易报告。

14：自然人客户银行账户与其他的银行账户之间发生当日单笔或者累计交易人民币___万元以上(含)、外币等值()万美元以上(含)的境内款项划转，应当通过反洗钱系统提交大额交易报告。

15：系统未提取到，按照规定应上报而未上报的大额交易，本行各营业机构应在交易发生后的___个工作日内通过手工方式增加大额交易。

18：客户先前提交的身份证件或身份证明文件已过有效期的，本行各开户机构应及时联系客户___内提供新的身份证明文件，留存复印件后专夹保管，并在综合前端系统进行身份证明文件资料更新。

19：小微企业开户“3个工作日办结”，即从客户在网点提交完整的开户资料到___最多不超过3个工作日。

20：小微企业开户3个工作日办结要求中，3个工作日开始时点是指___；结束时点是指( )。

21：银行在开户时候，对于单位批量开户，预留财务人员联系电话等情形的，应当___的联系电话；对于无法证明合理性的，应当对相关银行账户( )。

25：非自然人客户银行账户与其他的银行账户发生当日单笔或者累计交易人民币___万元以上(含)、外币等值()万美元以上(含)的款项划转，应当通过反洗钱系统提交大额交易报告。

26：自然人客户银行账户与其他的银行账户之间发生当日单笔或者累计交易人民币___万元以上(含)、外币等值()万美元以上(含)的跨境款项划转，应当通过反洗钱系统提交大额交易报告。

27：银行在办理开户业务时，发现个人冒用他人身份开立账户的，应当及时向___。

30：资产所有人、控制人或者管理人对本行依据规定采取的对涉及恐怖活动的资产冻结措施有异议的，告知其可以向___提出异议。

34：本行各营业机构为自然人客户办理人民币单笔___万元(含)以上或者外币等值()万元美元(含)以上的现金存取及转账业务时，应核对客户的有效身份证件或其他身份证明文件并摘录身份证号码(或在综合前端系统内录入身份证号码)。

35：本行反洗钱业务受到监管处罚时，由内部核算单位承担罚款，在当期考核利润额中调减,同时根据监管机构“双罚”金额合并计算后总金额的___进行追责。

36：按照账户分类管理有关要求,目前本行Ⅲ类户任一时点余额为不超过___元, Ⅲ类户非绑定账户转入、转出、消费和缴费日累计限额为()元，年累计限额为()元。

38：自___起，银行业金融机构(以下简称银行)为个人开立银行结算账户的，同一个人在同一家银行(以法人为单位，下同)只能开立一个Ⅰ类户，已开立Ⅰ类户，再新开户的，应当开立Ⅱ类户或Ⅲ类户。

39：自2017年1月1日起，银行对经设区的市级及以上公安机关认定的出租、出借、出售、购买银行账户的单位和个人及相关组织者，假冒他人身份或者虚构代理关系开立银行账户的单位和个人，___内暂停其银行账户非柜面业务，()内不得为其新开立账户。

40：银行应当至少___排查企业是否属于严重违法企业，情况属实的，应当在3个月内暂停其业务，逐步清理。

42：资金内部户的账号第十一位为___。

43：下列业务代号中用于核算单位临时周转使用的资金的是___。

44：下列业务代号中用于核算应交代扣印花税的是___。

48：关于久悬账户管理，下列说法正确的是___

49：【1132】单位账户维护交易，以下维护事项说法正确的是 ___

在唯物辩证法看来，水果同苹果、梨、香蕉、桔子等的关系是___

“是就是是，不是就是不是，除此之外都是鬼话。”这是一种___

真象和假象的区别在于___

有的哲学家说，在大风扬起的尘土中，每一粒尘土的运动状况都是纯粹必然的。这是种___

“或然率”是指___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author think of the 2015 report by the Census Bureau?___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What does the author say about the Jones-Klenow method?___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What do Jones and Klenow think of the comparison between France and the U.S. in terms of real consumption per person?___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What is an advantage of the Jones-Klenow method?___

Economically speaking, are we better off than we were ten years ago? Twenty years ago? In their thirst for evidence on this issue, commentators seized on the recent report by the Census Bureau, which found that average household income rose by 5.2% in 2015. Unfortunately, that conclusion puts too much weight on a useful, but flawed and incomplete, statistic. Among the more significant problems with the Census’s measure are that: 1) it excludes taxes, transfers, and compensation like employer-provided health insurance; and 2) it is based on surveys rather than data. Even if precisely measured, income data exclude important determinants of economic well-being, such as the hours of work needed to earn that income. While thinking about the question, we came across a recently published article by Charles Jones and Peter Klenow, which proposes an interesting new measure of economic welfare. While by no means perfect, it is considerably more comprehensive than average income, taking into account not only growth in consumption per person but also changes in working time, life expectancy, and inequality. Moreover, it can be used to assess economic performance both across countries and over time. The Jones-Klenow method can be illustrated by a cross-country example. Suppose we want to compare the economic welfare of citizens of the U.S. and France in 2005. In 2005, as the authors observe, real consumption per person in France was only 60% as high as the U.S., making it appear that Americans were economically much better off than the French on average. However, that comparison omits other relevant factors: leisure time, life expectancy, and economic inequality. The French take longer vacations and retire earlier, so typically work fewer hours; they enjoy a higher life expectancy, presumably reflecting advantages with respect to health care, diet, lifestyle, and the like; and income and consumption are somewhat more equally distributed there than in the U.S. Because of these differences, comparing France’s consumption with the U.S.’s overstates the gap in economic welfare. Similar calculations can be used to compare the U.S. and other countries. For example, this calculation puts economic welfare in the United Kingdom at 97% of U.S. levels, but estimates Mexican well-being at 22%. The Jones-Klenow measure can also assess an economy’s performance over time. According to this measure, as of the early-to-mid-2000s, the U.S. had the highest economic welfare of any large country. Since 2007, economic welfare in the U.S. has continued to improve. However, the pace of improvement has slowed markedly. Methodologically, the lesson from the Jones-Klenow research is that economic welfare is multi-dimensional. Their approach is flexible enough that in principle other important quality-of-life changes could be incorporated—for example, decreases in total emissions of pollutants and declines in crime rates. What can we infer from the passage about American people’s economic well-being?___

大学生的成才目标是___。

现代人才素质的灵魂是___。

___是人才素质的基础.

世界政治格局发展的必然趋势是___。

在全面发展的教育中德、智、体、美是缺一不可，统一存在的，其中处于主导地位的是___。

时代精神的内涵十分丰富，其中___居于核心地位。

民族精神是一个民族赖以生存和发展的精神支撑。中华民族在五千年的发展中所形成的伟大民族精神的核心是___。

下列名言反映中华民族是一个艰苦奋斗的民族的有___。

___是人才素质的基本内容

10。___是我们立党立国的根本指导思想

衡量大学生全面发展的一个重要标准是___

独立生活意识指___

___作为社会主义核心价值体系的精髓，解决的是应当具备什么样的精神状态和精神风貌的问题。

___是人才素质的综合体现.

人们对生活在其中的世界及人与世界的关系的总的看法和根本观点就是___

人生观的核心是___

人的本质属性是___

社会主义社会人生价值标准是___

回答人为什么活着___

表明人应当怎样对待生活___

判别什么样的人生才有意义___

下列人生态度中正确的是___

下列属于正确的人生目的的是___

___认为,金钱可以主宰一切.

___ 认为，社会和他人是达到个人目的的手段。

___认为，人生的全部内容就在于满足感官的需求与快乐。

马克思对于人的本质的论断确立与___

人与自然关系的实质是___

在社会交往和公共生活中公民应该遵守的道德准则是___

社会公德最基本的要求是___